CLIFFORD,
Denis Kieran CLIFFORD J
Professional Data |
| Postion & Titles: |
Member of the Policy Advisory Group in the Depart of the PM & Cabinet 1998-2000 |
| Judge of: |
High Court , Wellington, 2006 |
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| Specializations and Professional Interests: |
Public Policy |
| Professional Comments: |
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| Background / Education: |
Justice Clifford graduated LLB (Hons) from Victoria University of Wellington in 1978. He joined the Wellington law firm
Buddle Anderson Kent & Co, leaving in 1980 to take up a position as Visiting Fellow at the University of Illinois Law School. Justice Clifford returned to New Zealand to work for
Buddle Findlay in 1982, went overseas again in 1984, working with London firm
Slaughter and May, and on return to New Zealand in 1986 became a partner of
Buddle Findlay, a position he held until 2001. From 1998 to 2000 Clifford was on secondment from his law firm as a member of the Policy Advisory Group in the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet. Clifford joined the independent bar in 2002. He took appointment to the High Court Bench in April 2006 and is based at the Wellington High Court. |
| Degrees: |
LLB (Hons.) Victoria, 1978 |
| Admitted to the Bar: |
1978 |
| Company Involvements: |
Former director: Altes Coatings Ltd, Capital Agency Services Ltd, Brutus Investments, Findgard Investments Ltd, Whareroa Power Ltd, Squadron No.3 Ltd, Freshmanx Holdings Ltd, Resene Santano Ltd, Whareroa Co-Generation Ltd, Landcare Research International Ltd, Romney (No.11) Ltd, Romney (No.19) Ltd, Squadron No.4 Ltd, Custom Fleet NZ, Ausmaq (NZ) Ltd, Terravita Resources (No.1) Ltd, Gas Industry Company Ltd, Budfin Nominees Ltd |
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Personal Data |
| Born: |
19
New Zealand |
Sex: |
Male |
| Married: |
19 |
Children: |
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| Interesting Relationships and Coincidences: |
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| Miscellaneous: |
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MADMEN AT CROWN TAKE THRONE
12 October 2009
(continued from front page)
Misuse of power is the very essence of tyranny. Some of the most horrendous acts in human history have been committed by those who the public trusts concealing their acts by insisting public order requires secrecy and disregard for the rule of law. The tipping points to catastrophe in any society are generally
when government institutions determine the public no longer have a right to know, one or two key people in power consider it is their destiny to impose their will on society and, the press is censored from reporting. In every democracy it is the power of a free and vigilant press which is the best prevention against autocracy, and the first institution to suffer its effect.
Last month,
Dominion Post reporter, and Qantas Media Senior New Reporter of the Year, Phil Kitchin attempted to run a purely factual story about three unrelated complaints against Mr Collins being currently investigated by the
New Zealand Law Society. After seeking comment from Mr Collins, the paper was officially sent two communications from Collins' office. Mr Kitchin had seen the evidence that Mr Collins had abused court process, used the power of his office to have a whistle blower fired, and committed perjury in the High Court, but his planned story did not attempt to convey any of this sensitive evidence to the public. Nonetheless, the
DomPost editor axed the story.
Collins was appointed Solicitor General in 2006. The hallmark of his early tenure is widespread oppression of public information in relation to the workings of Crown Law and the New Zealand Courts. In 2008 he prosecuted the DomPost parent company Fairfax Media Limited of Australia for contempt of court for accurately reporting specifics of the Police affidavit filed in the ill-fated "terrorist suppression act prosecutions". He has twice sued the editor of
kiwisfirst for contempt of Court for publishing suppressed public court information, including a current prosecution for publicly disclosing that High Court Judge Helen Winkelmann threw out six of the nine land warrants in the massive 2007 "terrorist raids". Also in 2008, he demanded Nelson lawyer Sue Grey withdraw from a case which would expose current Supreme Court Justice Bill Wilson's conflict of interest in an appeal to the Supreme Court. When she refused, he demanded she be fired as counsel for the Department of Conservation because - according to Collins - "the Crown is indivisible" and Ms Grey exposing misconduct by a high-ranking Judge was deemed a breach of her overriding loyalty to the State as a government employee.
Collins' vigour and no-holds-barred approach to keeping a lid on Court secrets and protecting the status quo initially gained him considerable favour in the small and parochial NZ judicial community. In turn, the Law Society and Judges turned a blind eye to his blatant misrepresentations, abuse of office and unsettling bravado. In the previous Labour government, Collins had free reign. Former Attorney General Michael Cullen had no legal training and relied upon David Collins (officially his legal subordinate) in legal matters. Minister of Justice Annette King, on the other hand, was a dental nurse by profession. Recognising no one in government could challenge his authority, Collins was able to easily consolidate his power. Upon change of government last year, his acquired favour with the judiciary, political alliances and strong work ethic bought him firm leverage with the new Attorney General Chris Finlayson. But at the same time, alarms began to go off.
Lawyers can be adept at diversion to evade a conviction. Yet, as his power grew, Collins increasingly seemed to relish telling outlandish tales beyond what was necessary to cover-up his personal transgressions - and then wielding this tremendous power to silence those who pointed out the obvious inconsistencies. At the same time his impulsiveness gradually became viewed by those around him as professional recklessness.
Lawyers spoken to for this story relate that the amicable, intellectually curious and generous Collins of several years ago has recently exhibited an aura of invincibility and intolerance. They are not alone. In one of the current Law Society complaints, Collins raised the threat of prosecuting committee members with "contempt of Parliament" if their investigation determined that a Parliamentary conclusion was false as a result of material misrepresentations by him. In another, he refused to address the substance of the complaint on the ridiculous premise that his earlier misrepresentations were accepted as truthful by that Complainant. In yet another, he audaciously claimed to the Law Society that he had earlier waived legal privilege to the complainant in good faith to show his actions were lawful and transparent - this as he simultaneously refused requests from the complainant on the basis of said privilege!
Law Society Committee members - who generously volunteer their services to the profession - seem largely frightened by the stonewalling and refutation of self-evident facts they have encountered. Although all the Law Society complaints are in relation to Collins' personal conduct as a lawyer, he has responded to each on Crown Law letterhead and in his official capacity as New Zealand Solicitor General. He even referred to himself in the third person and in the imperial context of being the voice of the Crown. To those who remember recent history, it is eerily reminiscent of former U.S. President Richard Nixon's affirmations to David Frost that
"When a President does it, that means that it is not illegal". What New Zealand needs desperately is an intrepid reporter like Bob Woodward to expose how common such beliefs are among New Zealand officials today..
Meanwhile, Collins is losing support of some Judges over his handling of the escalating Justice Wilson scandal. More Judges have recently adopted the opinion that Collins badly overplayed his hand early on. Like the Mafia, the New Zealand Court prefers to take care of its indiscretions secretly and "in the family". By having a well-respected lawyer whose partner (Ian Ewen Street) is a former Member of Parliament fired for merely seeking a fair-trial for her clients, Collins' actions immediately brought unwelcome attention to Judges conflicts of interest generally. With the revelation last week that Justice Wilson's 2007 financial contribution to the multi-million dollar stud farm was 6% less than his equal partner Alan Galbraith QC - combined with the Court's inability to keep the scandal quiet - it now appears certain that the Supreme Court will be forced to recall its earlier finding that Wilson J had no apparent conflict of interest when he overturned a High Court judgment against Mr Galbraith's client that same year. When this occurs, the focus will not solely be on Collins' active cover-up of the Justice's misconduct and his overzealous attempts to officially interject himself in the earlier Supreme Court case. The reversal will underscore the "natural justice dilemma" that the Supreme Court is reversing position when the legal arguments have not changed.
The fear of Judges who have been running their courts like private charities is that the recall will be seen merely as a reaction to public pressure after an attempt by the Court to first sweep the conflict under the rug failed. Any resultant outcry for greater transparency in the Court would then threaten "The Land of the Long White Shroud" - a term lawyers are increasingly using for the New Zealand Courts.
From Collins' perspective, he put all his aspirations in the Wilson basket. He spearheaded the promotion of Bill Wilson from a practicing lawyer when he took office three years ago to the vaunted position of Supreme Court Judge today. This accomplishment was to provide Collins' own stepping stone to the Supreme Court bench one day. While a source of immense pride to Collins, Wilson's rapid advancement caused some consternation among his peers. When Collins attempted to steamroll the revelations of Wilson J's misconduct on the bench, it did not occur to him that such efforts might fail. New Zealand has never had a judge removed from the bench for misconduct. Collins understood clearly that Wilson's indiscretions paled in comparison to past NZ judicial offences which were kept well under the public radar, eventually fading away. Consequently, he could not conceive that his blitzkrieg tactics might invite a flanking maneuver, let alone a successful manouvre.
Though she has fronted pending complaints against David Collins with the Law Society and against Justice Wilson with the Judicial Conduct Commissioner and the Supreme Court, Ms Grey has shunned the public spotlight. This has made her fight the "tree that fell in the forest" as far as public knowledge. For two years the matters have been dealt with in the secret and oppressive way that most Kiwis thought only occurred in places like North Korea. This is unfortunate for two big reasons: the issues her case raises are fundamental ones of constitutional law and, more salaciously, she has been brilliant in methodically exposing that Collins considers himself above virtually every New Zealand law in certain circumstances.
Even if one accepts that it does not irreparably wound a country when its Solicitor General commits criminal offences, it is patently worrisome for that Solicitor General to claim that Crown Law and its employees are not bound by New Zealand statutes ranging from the State Sector Act 1988 to the Lawyers and Conveyancers Act 2006. Collins even stated "No Crown Law policy or procedure specifically refers to the UN Basic Principles" as justification why his office is not bound by United Nations conventions. It is comments such as this by David Collins that the New Zealand public need to be informed of - but have not been.
Mr Collins' adopted doctrine is spreading through the Crown like a virus. Earlier this year, Ms Grey lost her Department of Conservation dismissal challenge to the Employment Authority after the arbitrator ruled anyone doing work for the Crown must subjugate all other loyalties, that Crown loyalty cuts across all agencies of government and that deviation from this overriding loyalty justifies immediate dismissal. Though initially presented to be impartial, the arbitrator signed on behalf of the Crown (proving he knew how to protect his own job, if nothing else).
Where will this lawlessness and carnage end? Solicitor General David Collins still has the confidence of the Attorney General and the National government. He has shown no signs of contrition or backing down. As far as Justice Bill Wilson, the word is that prominent justices and legal experts such as Sir Geoffrey Palmer are looking at an exit strategy. If it occurs, it will likely entail a rationalisation that continued judgeship which restricts Wilson's private enterprises impedes his ability to secure his personal retirement. This way, it is hoped his departure from the Court will stir public sympathy for the remaining judges who must financially survive on $450,000 per year salary, free lodging and all-expense paid sabbaticals. Back to Front Page
FLOODGATE OPENS ON JUDGE WILLY'S POTENTIAL CONFLICTS
16 January 2008
Judge Tony Willy (left) is in hot water again for chairing a three member commission set up to rule on Trustpower's hydro-generation initiative to divert the Wairau River into five new power plants in the valley without disclosing his personal 4% shareholding in hydro-generation company Ecodyne of Nelson. Willy, a retired District Court Judge living in Blenheim, was appointed by the Marlborough District Council after declaring he had no conflict of interest in deciding the issue. He still insists his substantial personal stake in a potential contractor is not a conflict of interest.
The issue has been well advanced, with Judge Willy's decisions strongly favoring fast-tracking Trustpower's initiative.
Willy, 66, was pressured into early retirement from the District Court after several scandalous cases of judicial misconduct were exposed by the National Business Review in June 2001. These included sentencing a man who had not been notified he had been formally charged and was not present at sentencing, to conduct so egregious in a Tauranga property dispute that a new trial was ordered by the High Court. Numerous lawyers had individually complained about Judge Willy's courtroom conduct.
Save the Wairau River Inc. chairman Hugh Steadman is calling for Willy to step down now that his shareholding in Ecodyne has been revealed. The group privately marvelled at how such a one-sided judgment could have been passed by the Commissioners while largely discounting experts' briefs. Until now it was difficult to assertain the reasons for this. Against this backdrop, revelations of Willy's private financial interests have created significant suspicions.
Company Office records show Willy privately holds 650,000 of the 16,000,0000 outstanding shares in Ecodyne Ltd, and has held these since 1995. Ecodyne was established "to develop environmentally benign forms of power generation" and has an innovative focus on ramjet hydro-generation.
Despite this week's revelations first exposed in the
Christchurch Press, Judge Willy has announced his intention to continue with the next phase of the hearings, due to commence on Monday next week. Save the Wairau River Inc. says it has no confidence in the conclusions of Judge Willy's commission as a result but it received legal advice it would have to raise $20,000 to commence legal proceedings and seek a High Court injunction. Despite calling the commission a "judicial farce" it claims the groups' limited financial means are further constrained by the $100,000 it anticipates is required for an eventual appeal to the Environment Court.
According to the group, Judge Willy's finding on TrustPower's initial application was that diversion of sixty percent of the median flow from this braided river - thereby reducing it to a single channel for much of the year - would have a "minor or less than minor" effect on its ecology.
At stake is the survival of one of the very few remaining braided river systems in the world - located as it were in New Zealand's lush wine country. With legal costs mounting, the group is appealing to the New Zealand media to research and publish further detail on this issue. Judge Willy's newfound conflict is chief among the groups' media push. In a 15 January 2008 letter to the media, the group continues:
"(Willy) now claims that the fact that he was the fourth-largest shareholder, with 650,000 shares in Ecodyne Ltd., was of insufficient significance to be worth declaring as a conflict of interest, prior to acceptance of a position to sit in judgment on TrustPower's resource consent application. A Google search on "Ecodyne TrustPower" comes up with at least five hits indicating an indirect commonality of interest between the two companies. At the very least both these companies clearly have or have had an interest in the energy and electricity sectors.
Whether or not Judge Willy stood to make any money out of any possible, past or future relationship between Ecodyne and TrustPower is of course supremely relevant."
And
"His interest in Ecodyne is not Judge Willy's only conflict of interest. We are told that, on appointment to his chairmanship of the commission, he assured the MDC official responsible that he had no conflicts of interest. However, after his appointment was secured, he informed a pre-hearing meeting of interested parties that he had a "minor" conflict of interest in that he was married to the owner of a large estate drawing water from the Wairau under the MDC's Southern Valley's irrigation scheme."
Under the Resource Management Act (S.34(7)) the Marlborough District Council has the authority to withdraw the delegation of decision making from the commissioners. This would be an extreme step but one the Council is nonethelss considering in the wake of recent disclosures. RETURN TO FRONT PAGE
JUDGE "GOOGLE SEARCHES" FOR EVIDENCE IN SUPPORT OF GUILTY FINDING
21December 2009
Auckland District Court Judge Roderick Joyce QC (pictured) found an Epsom woman guilty of defamation worth $110,000 after admittedly engaging in an independent fact-finding mission during deliberation. High Court Judge Rodney Hansen this month upheld Joyce's decision, claiming Joyce's trolling on the internet for evidence after the hearing was not improper.
In this increasingly technological age, one of the greatest perceived risks to fair trials is that juries will not limit their deliberations to evidence in the courtroom. Judges routinely instruct juries not to engage in activities such as Google searches relevant to the case, warning that a mistrial could result if such instructions are not heeded.
While the Law Commission, and legal community in general, grapple with how to constrain juries from engaging in independent fact finding during trials, Auckland District Court Judge Roderick Joyce has arrogantly admitted to conducting a "google search" during his four month deliberation to support his $57,500 plus costs ($52,000) defamation ruling in
Wells v Haden.
In 2006, Wells and his fellow directors in a scam "trust" filed suit against Private Investigator Grace Haden and her company Verisure claiming defamation and rights to the incorporated trust of the same name (Animal Welfare Institute of New Zealand) registered by Ms Haden. Wells co-plaintiffs alleged that they together were trustees, but had no trust deed which supported that claim. They soon fell away from the proceedings and are not named because it is presumed they did not know the trust they were on was legal fiction. Wells engaged Brookfields Lawyers, who were successful through pre-trial applications in running up costs against the defendants on the claim the defendants had no defence, and therefore should not be allowed to defend themselves. Wells advanced to a formal proof trial after Judge Mary Beth Sharp debarred Ms Haden's defence for failing to pay the alleged trustees these pre-trial costs awards ahead of trial for Wells. While Ms Haden was denied her statutory truth defence, she took some comfort that her facts were well documented.
Joyce J refused to define the scope of the trial ahead of time. "Trial" proceeded on a statement of claim unsupported by affidavit. In the witness box Wells affirmed his statement of claim was true. This, and an affidavit alleging further publications by Ms Haden and stress of the alleged defamation on his family since commencement of proceedings, was the extent of his evidence.
In a fit of benevolence, Joyce J allowed Ms Haden to cross-examine her accuser. As a former Police prosecutor, she meticulously used documents to impeach Mr Wells' testimony. Wells was forced to concede the trust he operated existed only in his mind for a year or two, and that his failure to properly register did not prevent him from gaining approved supplier of animal services to Waitakere City Council. The Judge would variously refer to this entity as an "organisation" and "unincorporated trust" in his Judgment. Wells simply referred to it as an "oral trust".
As a Labour Party mover and shaker, Wells had been able to write the NZ government legislation which allowed him to funnel money from Council coffers into his "oral" trust. There was also evidence he was seriously conflicted in taking diversion money into an account he personally controlled when acting as a Council officer.
Joyce J was obviously incensed at Ms Haden exposing such a trusted political figure and fellow barrister. His criticism of Ms Haden's conduct was trenchant and unjudicial, a point reluctantly acknowledge by Judge Rodney Hansen on appeal. However, rather than criticize Joyce J, Hansen claimed this less than professional judicial conduct unreasonably underpinned Ms Haden's motivation in appealing. How Hansen knew this is a mystery.
Joyce J had a problem with finding evidence supporting the actual defamation claim, although this was not apparent given his 93-page judgment. The Judge relied extensively on Ms Haden's own affidavit and emails occurring during the proceedings when Wells' lawyers were preventing her defence, threatening bankruptcy and her family was under siege as a result of the claim. While notably not part of the statement of claim, Joyce J did not stop there. In paragraph [314] of his epic judgment Joyce J crossed a clear legal threshold when he admitted to conducting and relying upon his independent Google factual research during deliberation.
In his judgment dismissing her appeal of Joyce's Judgment, Justice Rodney Hansen whitewashed the Joyce's Google search(es) after the hearing. He dismissed the incontrovertible evidence that Joyce J relied upon post-claim affidavits and correspondence to support his judgment. His honour agreed that Joyce J was free to ignore s29-32 of the Defamation Act, specifically accepting Ms Haden's apology was not a mitigating factor because it was expressly given to escape the financial onslaught of the litigation. Hansen J then concluded by stating, "(Joyce's) findings are unassailable as a matter of fact and law."
Last week, Barrister Evgeny Orlov filed an appeal of Hansen J's Judgment to the Court of Appeal. A formal complaint concerning Judge Joyce's trolling of the internet for factual support is the subject of an additional Judicial Conduct Commissioner complaint. BACK TO FRONT PAGE
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